The bill (HB 1193) was advanced in a 11 to 4 vote by the House Intergovernmental Affairs Subcommittee, along party lines, with bill sponsor Rep. David Borrero, R-Sweetwater, denouncing guaranteed income programs as “institutionalized socialism.”
“These programs are a threat to our society because they establish, they institutionalize socialism,” Borrero argued. “If you look at what the definition of socialism is, socialism is the redistribution of wealth through government means. It takes money from one individual and gives it to another, and it does it without regard to any work requirements. It does it without regard to any requirements for the use of those funds.”
Guaranteed income programs offer cash to a specific population in need (usually low-income individuals or families) with no strings attached. The idea is to help alleviate poverty and inequality — designed to serve not as a replacement for existing safety nets, but to supplement them. Universal basic income programs, on the other hand, function similarly, but aren’t as targeted for specific populations.
According to the Stanford Basic Income Lab, there are more than 80 current or former guaranteed income programs across the country that were partially or fully funded through government funds. No such program has ever existed in Florida, at least not one funded by taxpayer dollars. Just two similar programs have been attempted in Florida — in Miami and Gainesville — but both were funded privately, not through public funds.
This solution in search of a problem bothered Democrats, who voted against advancing Borrero’s bill Wednesday. “No local government is actually doing this in Florida,” said Rep. Darryl Campbell, D-Fort Lauderdale. “It seems like we’re chasing the bogeyman that’s not there.”
Borrero, a second-term state lawmaker, argued it’s important for the state to be “proactive” on the issue. “I think it’s incumbent on us as the state of Florida to be proactive rather than reactive,” he said.
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It’s not an original idea. According to state disclosure records, the Foundation for Government Accountability, a right-wing think tank headquartered in Naples, has registered to lobby on the bill (HB 1193) through its lobbying arm, the Opportunity Solutions Project.
The FGA, funded in large part by billionaire and DeSantis donor Richard “Dick” Uihlein, has advocated for similar bans in other states, where Republicans have similarly described guaranteed income programs as “socialist.”
The FGA has also lobbied in favor of measures that make it harder to qualify for unemployment benefits or access food stamps, in addition to measures that seek to undermine labor unions and weaken child labor law.
According to the Urban Institute, a nonprofit social and economic policy research group, at least 10 other states in the U.S. have already banned publicly funded guaranteed income programs, or are considering statewide bans.
Liesel Crocker, a fellow for the FGA-affiliated Opportunity Solutions Project, argued in testimony to Kansas lawmakers, as they considered their own ban (HB 2101), that guaranteed income programs are “bad policy” and “disincentivize work and trap people in government dependency.”
Borrero, the Florida Republican, also described these programs to his colleagues Wednesday as “bad policy.” He repeatedly brought up the privately funded pilot program that in Gainesville, Just Income, claiming the program “tried to create classes of people based on a victimhood status.”
The 2022 pilot program, led by the nonprofit Community Spring, provided just over 100 formerly incarcerated people re-entering society with $1,000 in the first month of the program, and $600 each month after for the remainder of the program. The pilot lasted 11 months.
Most of the participants were people of color with a mean household income of less than $20,000. A study by the University of Pennsylvania found that, following completion of the program, recipients reported improved financial security, better access to food, and lower recidivism.
“This program has changed my life, it’s helped me and my family and our situation,” one participant shared. “And it makes a person want to do what’s right when there is someone on their side trying to push them forward. And if you aren’t being pushed forward, well, you’re falling back in the hole.”
While Rep. Campbell simply reported feeling uneasy with the idea of preempting a perceived problem (publicly funded guaranteed income programs) that doesn’t even exist in Florida, Florida Rep. Rita Harris, D-Orlando, actually sought to make the fiscal argument for why guaranteed income programs can actually be a smart investment — particularly for formerly incarcerated people, who are more likely to be impoverished and may have a harder time finding a well-paying job and stable housing with a criminal record.
“If you’re helping people transition back into society, you’re reducing recidivism,” said Harris, a self-described capitalist. “You’re giving them the opportunity to get work, training, to find jobs, and then become a member of society that then is now paying taxes. And with those taxes, now they’re investing back into society.”
It’s not just the FGA who are enthusiastic about the idea of forbidding the use of public funds to bring these types of programs to local communities. Florida House Speaker Daniel Perez, a Republican from Miami, also signaled support for the idea the day he was sworn in as House speaker last November.
“The people of Florida believe in the promise of the open road,” Perez said at the time. “They expect the government to maintain the road, but they aren’t looking for handouts or no-interest loans or income guarantees.”
Borrero’s bill passed along party lines, but has two more committee stops before it would go to the full House for a vote. The Senate version of the bill (SB 1772), sponsored by Republican Rep. Jonathan Martin, hasn’t moved at all.
With Florida’s 2025 legislative session already more than halfway over — it’s scheduled to conclude May 2 — there’s little time for either proposal to make significant movement and get past the finish line before the end of session. The proposal would need to get a majority vote of approval from both the House and Senate, then get a final OK from Gov. Ron DeSantis, to become law.
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This article appears in The 420 Issue 2025.