The feds tried to lock me up for life for reporting on the Trump inauguration protests 

Enemy of the people

Page 6 of 7

click to enlarge Protesters gather the morning of Trump's inauguration in Logan Circle, Washington, DC. - PHOTO BY MOBILUS IN MOBILI / PUBLIC DOMAIN
  • Photo by Mobilus In Mobili / Public Domain
  • Protesters gather the morning of Trump's inauguration in Logan Circle, Washington, DC.

This gets to the heart of the matter: In order for the colonies to overcome endless conspiracies to revolt by people they kidnapped, enslaved, exploited and colonized, its ruling elite had to create their own conspiracy – the institutionalization of "whiteness" – in defense of its power.

The Bill of Rights would later implicitly enshrine the three points of power in the new nation, including whiteness, property ownership (wealth) and cis-hetero maleness, consolidating ruling class power through the law. Writing for the Harvard Law Review nearly a century ago, Francis B. Sayre opined that American courts often use conspiracy law as a cudgel, "especially during times of reaction, to punish, as criminal, associations for which the time being are unpopular or stir up prejudices of the social class in which the judges have for the most part been bred."

It's more than just prejudice: Today the U.S. elite reaffirms its power through law, war, trade and politics daily, in a coordinated effort to preserve the status quo in all its structural inequality. This extreme and concentrated power is its own kind of conspiracy, one which allows the state to persecute others it considers illegal. There isn't enough room here to chronicle the ways conspiracy law has been used since the 17th century to criminalize associations of nonwhite people, laborers, immigrants, protesters, revolutionaries and others, nor consider nuanced exceptions, such as mafia prosecutions that rope police and politicians into criminal rackets.

But fundamentally, the difference between a legitimate and illegitimate conspiracy comes down to power.

It's ironic that some top Trump cronies involved in the J20 conspiracy prosecution are themselves caught up in their own high-profile conspiracy cases, though not necessarily as defendants.

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